From Cuba with Love (4/2/20)
This piece explores an issue that is important but one that I haven't really thought about: tourism for the purposes of sex. I found the most interesting parts of the article to be her discussions on Cuban identities, state sponsorship and control of certain representations, and how her status as a researcher limited her ability to follow "the book" of research methods.
On page 15, Daigle provides four roles that Cubans are allowed to play in society: "the black/animalistic man, the white/masculine man, the white/virtuous woman, and the black/sensualized woman. The culture of jineterisma and jinteras stereotypically, by Daigle's account, fall into the fourth category, but that concept is much more fluid. She does call the division of these social dynamics into quadrants an oversimplification, since the nature of "sexual-affective relationships" is quite hard to categorize. The spectrum could include everything from prostitution to long-lasting romantic relationship. From Daigle's analysis, the state would like to cast it along the lines of prostitution, since it is worried about insulating its people from outside ideas, cultures, and most importantly, creating the appearance or tangible existence of inequality. Further, the piece forced some critical engagement with the nature of ethical research. The research put Daigle in direct conflict with the orders given to her at her approval: to stay "out of the street." She went directly to the street after some time in the library, but she always used caution in both indulging her own privilege over the interviewers (to avoid a so-called "extractive and colonial relationship" between the interviewee and herself. I found this acknowledgment impressive since it showed a high degree of self-awareness and empathy to be able to place herself in what is arguably (for Latin America and all of the developed world) THE historical, political and economic narrative that defines the past half-millennia.
One last thing I would like to discuss is the connection to Santeria. This part confused me, since I couldn't really figure out how it was relevant to the main topic of sex trade, but here is my best guess. I turn to page 6, where Daigle admits that the role of Santeria in such "commercial ingenuity" is "sharply conflicted." My best guess is that the licentious culture present in Havana is an outgrowth of the repression and inattention particularly that African influenced culture has faced in Cuba. Thus, and Daigle notes this, as Santeria evolved from its African roots into the religious hybrid it is today, the ongoing necessity to repress practice of its derivative religions became part of formalized Santeria practice. The culture of jineterismo is largely a rebellion against that repression, an embracement of openness that runs against established authority. This is probably why the stereotypical jinetera falls under the stereotype of "black/sensualized woman."
On page 15, Daigle provides four roles that Cubans are allowed to play in society: "the black/animalistic man, the white/masculine man, the white/virtuous woman, and the black/sensualized woman. The culture of jineterisma and jinteras stereotypically, by Daigle's account, fall into the fourth category, but that concept is much more fluid. She does call the division of these social dynamics into quadrants an oversimplification, since the nature of "sexual-affective relationships" is quite hard to categorize. The spectrum could include everything from prostitution to long-lasting romantic relationship. From Daigle's analysis, the state would like to cast it along the lines of prostitution, since it is worried about insulating its people from outside ideas, cultures, and most importantly, creating the appearance or tangible existence of inequality. Further, the piece forced some critical engagement with the nature of ethical research. The research put Daigle in direct conflict with the orders given to her at her approval: to stay "out of the street." She went directly to the street after some time in the library, but she always used caution in both indulging her own privilege over the interviewers (to avoid a so-called "extractive and colonial relationship" between the interviewee and herself. I found this acknowledgment impressive since it showed a high degree of self-awareness and empathy to be able to place herself in what is arguably (for Latin America and all of the developed world) THE historical, political and economic narrative that defines the past half-millennia.
One last thing I would like to discuss is the connection to Santeria. This part confused me, since I couldn't really figure out how it was relevant to the main topic of sex trade, but here is my best guess. I turn to page 6, where Daigle admits that the role of Santeria in such "commercial ingenuity" is "sharply conflicted." My best guess is that the licentious culture present in Havana is an outgrowth of the repression and inattention particularly that African influenced culture has faced in Cuba. Thus, and Daigle notes this, as Santeria evolved from its African roots into the religious hybrid it is today, the ongoing necessity to repress practice of its derivative religions became part of formalized Santeria practice. The culture of jineterismo is largely a rebellion against that repression, an embracement of openness that runs against established authority. This is probably why the stereotypical jinetera falls under the stereotype of "black/sensualized woman."
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